Giải cứu đội bóng Thái: Dự kiến còn 2 đợt nữa

Ngày thứ hai của cuộc giải cứu, đội cứu hộ cần khoảng 10-20 giờ để đặt lại các bình oxy trong hang trước khi tái khởi động giải cứu. Các cậu bé có thể ra theo nhóm 4 người một lần.
Straits Times cho biết quãng đường từ vị trí của đội bóng đến cửa hang dài 5 km. Sau khi giải cứu thành công 4 cậu bé trong ngày 8/7, các thợ lặn đang thay thế các bình oxy vì oxy trong hang đã cạn. Quá trình này có thể tốn khoảng 10-20 giờ, tính từ thời điểm tạm ngưng chiến dịch, vào khoảng 21h tối 8/7.
Đến sáng 9/7, thời điểm nối lại chiến dịch vẫn chưa được công bố.
Theo Guardian, Ngoại trưởng Australia Julie Bishop nói vào sáng 9/7 rằng bà tin các cậu bé sẽ được đưa ra theo nhóm 4 người, điều này đồng nghĩa sẽ còn ít nhất 2 đợt giải cứu nữa. Australia đã gửi một nhóm 19 người để hỗ trợ cuộc giải cứu. Cuộc giải cứu thành công hôm 8/7 có sự tham gia của các thợ lặn Australia.
Từ Chiang Rai, phóng viên Vũ Mạnh của Zing.vn nói rằng đang có thông tin về việc Thủ tướng Thái Lan Prayut Chan-o-cha sẽ đến hiện trường để chỉ đạo cuộc giải cứu. Tuy nhiên, hiện vẫn chưa rõ ông sẽ đến khi nào.
BBC nhận định chính quyền Thái Lan biết rằng đây là một sự kiện lớn và cả thế giới đang dõi theo họ. "Thái Lan đã chọn một lựa chọn nguy hiểm nhưng họ tin rằng đó là cách tốt nhất để đưa đội bóng sống sót ra ngoài".
Giai cuu doi bong Thai: Du kien con 2 dot nua hinh anh 1
Ngày 7/8 kết thúc bằng sự mừng rỡ của các tình nguyện viên và người dân khi 4 người đầu tiên được cứu ra. Ảnh: Getty.
Ngày hôm qua là ngày có nhiều thành quả nhất kể từ khi chiến dịch tìm kiếm và giải cứu đội bóng Thái Lan bắt đầu cách đây 2 tuần. Họ cứu được 4 người với tốc độ giải cứu nhanh hơn dự liệu ban đầu.
Chỉ huy chiến dịch, cựu tỉnh trưởng Chiang Rai Narongsak Osottanakorn trước đó nói rằng thời tiết dịu nhẹ và lượng mưa thấp vài ngày vừa qua đã tạo điều kiện "hoàn hảo" cho công cuộc giải cứu. Đến ngày 8/7, mực nước xuống thấp và những người được giải cứu chỉ phải di chuyển 1 km dưới nước, phần còn lại là đi bộ.
Thời tiết đã giúp đỡ cho những nỗ lực bơm nước khỏi hang trong những ngày qua. Do mực nước trong hang đã giảm đáng kể, các cậu bé đầu tiên được đưa ra sớm hơn thời gian dự kiến khoảng 3 đến 4 tiếng.
Tuy nhiên, chỉ huy chiến dịch cứu hộ và các chuyên gia cũng cảnh báo rằng chỉ cần trời mưa trở lại, điều kiện dành cho công tác cứu hộ sẽ không còn khả quan như vậy.
Việc chiến dịch giải cứu bắt đầu ngày 8/7 cho thấy sự lo lắng của đội ngũ giải cứu rằng nếu họ không hành động nhanh chóng, mưa lớn sẽ trở lại và làm nước dâng lên trong hang, thậm chí đến mức có thể làm ngập nơi những người mắc kẹt đang trú lại. Đó là lý do đội cứu hộ quyết định phải đưa người ra sớm.
Không những vậy, việc giải cứu chỉ được gọi là thành công khi họ đưa được tất cả mọi người, từ đội bóng mắc kẹt đến các thành viên đội cứu hộ, khỏi hang. Một cựu thợ lặn của Hải quân Thái Lan, người trở lại chỉ để tham gia chiến dịch giải cứu, đã thiệt mạng vì hết oxy trong lúc đang thực hiện nhiệm vụ đặt bình oxy trong hang.
Giai cuu doi bong Thai: Du kien con 2 dot nua hinh anh 2
Xe cấp cứu đợi ở cửa hang để đợi những người được cứu ra. Ảnh: AFP.
Giai đoạn 1 của cuộc giải cứu khép lại vào đêm 8/7 với những tràng pháo tay từ các phóng viên và tình nguyện viên khi những người cứu ra được đưa đến bệnh viện và xác nhận "khỏe mạnh". Tuy nhiên, Thái Lan đang trong mùa mưa và những nỗ lực bơm nước của đội cứu hộ có thể sẽ "tan tành" chỉ bằng một cơn mưa lớn. Truyền thông miêu tả một bầu không khí "nửa vui mừng nửa bồn chồn" tại hiện trường khi mưa đổ xuống vào đêm 8/7.
Những thợ lặn tinh nhuệ nhất thế giới đã ở Chiang Rai để giải cứu đội bóng, tuy nhiên thời điểm họ có thể trở lại với việc giải cứu vẫn chưa được xác định. Tất cả tùy thuộc vào tiến độ đặt bình oxy trong hang và những cơn mưa có thể đến bất cứ lúc nào.
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Trump’s Chaos Theory for the Oval Office Is Taking Its Toll

WASHINGTON — For 13 months in the Oval Office, and in an unorthodox business career before that, Donald J. Trump has thrived on chaos, using it as an organizing principle and even a management tool. Now the costs of that chaos are becoming starkly clear in the demoralized staff and policy disarray of a wayward White House.
The dysfunction was on vivid display on Thursday in the president’s introduction of tariffs on steel and aluminum imports. The previous day, Mr. Trump’s chief economic adviser, Gary D. Cohn, warned the chief of staff, John F. Kelly, that he might resign if the president went ahead with the plan, according to people briefed on the discussion. Mr. Cohn, a former Goldman Sachs president, had lobbied fiercely against the measures.
His threat to leave came during a tumultuous week in which Mr. Trump suffered the departure of his closest aide, Hope Hicks, and the effective demotion of his senior adviser and son-in-law, Jared Kushner, who was stripped of his top-secret security clearance. Mr. Trump was forced to deny, through an aide, that he was about to fire his national security adviser, Lt. Gen. H. R. McMaster.
Mr. Kelly summed up the prevailing mood in the West Wing. “God punished me,” he joked of his move from the Department of Homeland Security to the White House during a discussion to mark the department’s 15th anniversary.
When White House aides arrived at work on Thursday, they had no clear idea of what Mr. Trump would say about trade. He had summoned steel and aluminum executives to a meeting, but when the White House said only that he would listen to their concerns, it seemed to signal that Mr. Cohn had held off the tariffs.
Yet at the end of a photo session, when a reporter asked Mr. Trump about the measures, he confirmed that the United States would announce next week that it is imposing long-term tariffs of 25 percent on steel and 10 percent on aluminum. The White House has not even completed a legal review of the measures.
Mr. Trump’s off-the-cuff opening of a trade war rattled the stock market, enraged Republicans and left Mr. Cohn’s future in doubt. Mr. Cohn, who almost left last year after Mr. Trump’s response to a white nationalist march in Charlottesville, Va., indicated he was waiting to see whether Mr. Trump goes through with the tariffs, people familiar with his thinking said.
The chaotic rollout also reflected the departure of another White House official, Rob Porter, who as the staff secretary had a key role in keeping the paper flowing in the West Wing and who had backed Mr. Cohn in his free-trade views. Mr. Porter was forced out last month after facing accusations of spousal abuse.
It was the second day in a row that Mr. Trump blindsided Republicans and his own aides. On Wednesday, in another televised session at the White House, he embraced the stricter gun control measures backed by Democrats and urged lawmakers to revive gun-safety regulations that are opposed by the National Rifle Association and most of his party. But late Thursday, he appeared to have changed his mind again, this time after a meeting with N.R.A. leaders that he described as “great.”
“I always said that it was going to take awhile for Donald Trump to adjust as president,” said Christopher Ruddy, the chief executive of Newsmax Media and an old friend of the president’s. In business, he said, Mr. Trump relied on a small circle of colleagues and a management style that amounted to “trial and error — the strongest survived, the weak died.”
Mr. Ruddy insisted that Mr. Trump was finding his groove in the Oval Office. But his subordinates are faring less well. With an erratic boss and little in the way of a coherent legislative agenda, they are consumed by infighting, fears of their legal exposure and an ambient sense that the White House is spinning out of control.
Mr. Trump is isolated and angry, as well, according to other friends and aides, as he carries on a bitter feud with his attorney general and watches members of his family clash with a chief of staff he recruited to restore a semblance of order — all against the darkening shadow of an investigation of his ties to Russia.
The combined effect is taking a toll.
Mr. Trump’s instinct during these moments is to return to the populist themes that carried him to the White House, which is why his trade announcement is hardly surprising. Mr. Trump has few fixed views on any issue, but he has been consistent on his antipathy for free trade since the 1980s, when he took out newspaper ads warning about American deficits with Japan — a concern that has shifted to China in recent years.
“The W.T.O. has been a disaster for this country,” Mr. Trump said Thursday, asserting that China’s economic rise coincided with its entry into the World Trade Organization. “It has been great for China and terrible for the United States, and great for other countries.”
But a president who has long tried to impose his version of reality on the world is finding the limits of that strategy. Without Mr. Porter playing a stopgap role on trade, the debate has been marked by a lack of focus on policy and planning, according to several aides.
Morale in the West Wing has sunk to a new low, these people said. In private conversations, Mr. Trump lashes out regularly at Attorney General Jeff Sessions with a vitriol that stuns members of his staff. Some longtime advisers said that Mr. Trump regards Mr. Sessions’s decision to recuse himself from the Russia investigation as the “original sin,” which the president thinks has left him exposed.
Mr. Trump’s children, meanwhile, have grown exasperated with Mr. Kelly, seeing him as a hurdle to their father’s success and as antagonistic to their continued presence, according to several people familiar with their thinking. Anthony Scaramucci, an ally of some in the Trump family, whom Mr. Kelly fired as communications director after only 11 days, intensified his criticism of the chief of staff in a series of news interviews on Wednesday and Thursday.
Yet Mr. Trump is also frustrated with Mr. Kushner, whom he now views as a liability because of his legal entanglements, the investigations of the Kushner family’s real estate company and the publicity over having his security clearance downgraded, according to two people familiar with his views. In private conversations, the president vacillates between sounding regretful that Mr. Kushner is taking arrows and annoyed that he is another problem to deal with.
Privately, some aides have expressed frustration that Mr. Kushner and his wife, the president’s daughter Ivanka Trump, have remained at the White House, despite Mr. Trump at times saying they never should have come to the White House and should leave. Yet aides also noted that Mr. Trump has told the couple that they should keep serving in their roles, even as he has privately asked Mr. Kelly for his help in moving them out.
To some staff members, the chaos feels reminiscent of the earliest days of the Trump administration. Some argue Mr. Kelly should have carried out a larger staff shake-up when he came in. That has allowed several people to stagnate, particularly in policy roles, one adviser said.
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N.R.A. Suggests Trump May Retreat From Gun Control

WASHINGTON — The top lobbyist for the National Rifle Association claimed late Thursday that President Trump had retreated from his surprising support a day earlier for gun control measures after a meeting with N.R.A. officials and Vice President Mike Pence in the Oval Office.
The lobbyist, Chris Cox, posted on Twitter just after 9 p.m. that he met with Mr. Trump and Mr. Pence, saying that “we all want safe schools, mental health reform and to keep guns away from dangerous people. POTUS & VPOTUS support the Second Amendment, support strong due process and don’t want gun control. #NRA #MAGA.”
Mr. Trump tweeted about an hour later, “Good (Great) meeting in the Oval Office tonight with the NRA!”
Sarah Huckabee Sanders, the White House press secretary, declined to provide details about the previously unannounced meeting. A spokeswoman for the N.R.A.’s lobbying arm, which Mr. Cox leads, did not respond to requests for further comment.
But the twin tweets suggest that it may have taken the gun rights group only a little over a day to persuade the president to back away from his apparent embrace of gun control during a remarkable, televised meeting on Wednesday with members of Congress.
In that meeting, Mr. Trump called for comprehensive legislation that would, among other things, expand background checks to firearms purchased at gun shows and on the internet — a measure favored by Democrats but anathema to the N.R.A.
He also stunned lawmakers from both parties by suggesting that he would support measures to allow the authorities to seize guns from mentally ill people or those who could pose a danger without first following due process, like appearing before a judge.
“I like taking the guns early,” he said, adding, “Take the guns first, go through due process second.”
The reaction from the N.R.A.’s allies on Capitol Hill to those comments was fierce the next day, as conservatives vowed that such measures would not become law regardless of Mr. Trump’s declarations.
But Mr. Trump kept mostly quiet on the subject Thursday. In a morning tweet, he said that “many ideas, some good & some not so good,” had been discussed at the session on Wednesday, and he again endorsed the idea of improving background checks. He added, “Respect 2nd Amendment!”
Mr. Cox, in his post Thursday night, singled out due process as something Mr. Trump supports — a suggestion that Mr. Cox had explained to the president that conservatives would revolt against gun seizures by the government without due process.
On Wednesday, Democrats and gun control activists had expressed hope, as well as skepticism, about Mr. Trump’s surprising support for legislation to more strictly regulate guns — something that the Republican Party and the N.R.A. have long opposed.
By Thursday night, several expressed resignation to the late-night statements by the president and Mr. Cox.
“Unsurprising, but no less revolting,” tweeted Matt Bennett, a longtime advocate of gun control and a top official at a center-left Washington think tank, in response to Mr. Cox’s comment.
Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, editing a speech on Thursday on gun control proposals on Capitol Hill. Democrats introduced proposals to expand background checks, ban assault weapons and allow protective orders to temporarily take guns from people who have shown signs of being dangerous.Erin Schaff for The New York Times
On Capitol Hill earlier Thursday, a number of Republicans sought to distance themselves from Mr. Trump’s remarks at the Wednesday session.
Some who voted against legislation in 2013 that would have expanded background checks said Mr. Trump had said nothing that changed their minds. And several party newcomers, who were not present for the emotional debate prompted by the 2012 massacre at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Conn., said they could not support such a bill.
“So far there’s been a lot of chopping, but I don’t see any chips flying, and I don’t think that’s going to change,” said Senator John Kennedy, a freshman Republican from Louisiana known for his colorful analogies.
Others were more to the point. “He has not changed my mind,” said Senator Shelley Moore Capito, Republican of West Virginia.
In a sign that there will be no rush to advance gun legislation, Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader, told reporters that he had no intention of bringing a gun measure to the Senate floor next week. And Senator John Cornyn of Texas, the No. 2 Republican, dismissed Wednesday’s White House meeting as a “brainstorming session” that would not dictate policy.
Mr. Cornyn is the chief sponsor of the so-called Fix NICS Act, which would incentivize states and federal agencies to improve their reporting to the National Instant Criminal Background Check System, or NICS, for gun purchases.
The measure, which people on both sides of the gun debate agree is modest, has 49 sponsors in the Senate. Mr. Cornyn has said he would like his legislation to serve as a “base bill” that could be a starting point for a debate in which other senators could offer amendments.
But even the Fix NICS Act is facing a hurdle: Mr. McConnell cannot sidestep Senate rules to bring it to the floor quickly for a vote because unanimous consent is required to do so, and at least one senator, Mike Lee, Republican of Utah, has objected.
And at least one Democratic senator, Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut, said Democrats might seek to block a stand-alone Fix NICS bill, because it does not go far enough.
Congress passed similar legislation in 2007, after the massacre at Virginia Tech. But lapses persist. For example, the Air Force failed to report a domestic violence court-martial to the F.B.I. that could have prevented a Texas gunman from purchasing a weapon before killing 26 people in a Texas church last November. Mr. Cornyn began the push for his legislation after that massacre.
“I think that we’ve come to the conclusion that Fix NICS alone would be a mockery of the magnitude of the problem and also the seismic shift in public opinion around this issue,” Mr. Blumenthal said.
Gun control has long been one of the most divisive and emotional issues in Washington. The issue is front and center again after the mass shooting last month at a high school in Parkland, Fla.
In addition to embracing expanded background checks, Mr. Trump had called on Wednesday for measures to keep guns from mentally ill people, secure schools and restrict gun sales for some young adults. At one point, he even suggested a conversation on an assault weapons ban.
“It was wild,” said Senator John Thune of South Dakota, the No. 3 Republican in the chamber.
With the House out of session on Wednesday and Thursday, senators were left to parse the meaning of the president’s remarks. Picking up on Mr. Trump’s stated desire for broad gun legislation, Senate Democrats rolled out their own set of proposals on Thursday: expanding background checks, banning assault weapons and allowing protective orders to temporarily take away guns from people who have shown signs of being dangerous.
Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, who outlined the plan, gave Mr. Trump credit for his comments at Wednesday’s meeting but also urged the president to stick to them. Mr. Schumer has ample experience with the president’s shifting demands; in January, Mr. Schumer said that negotiating with him was like “negotiating with Jell-O.”
“Words alone will not prevent the next mass shooting,” Mr. Schumer said on Thursday before the late-night tweets. “One public meeting will not close background check loopholes. One hour of television won’t get assault weapons off our streets.”
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Giải cứu đội bóng Thái: Dự kiến còn 2 đợt nữa

Ngày thứ hai của cuộc giải cứu, đội cứu hộ cần khoảng 10-20 giờ để đặt lại các bình oxy trong hang trước khi tái khởi động giải cứu. Các cậ...